This article is part of TheBody.com's archive. Because it contains information that may no longer be accurate, this article should only be considered a historical document.
The HIV Prevention Act of 1997 (H.R. 1062), introduced by Representative Tom
Coburn (R-OK), has little to do with preventing HIV transmission. This bill
seeks to federally mandate costly and ineffective testing-related measures that
undermine proven community-based prevention strategies already being implemented
across the country. Instead of allowing states and communities to effectively
respond to the specific demographics of the HIV epidemic in their jurisdiction,
this legislation represents one-size fits all solutions from Washington that tie
the hands of these communities. In fact, states and local communities already
have the flexibility to implement provisions of the Coburn bill as part of their
prevention strategies, and have, through state law or regulation, as deemed
appropriate.
States would be required to implement all of the bill's provisions as a
condition of receiving federal Medicaid funds, thereby jeopardizing the source
of health care for more than half of all people living with AIDS. No new funding
is provided, despite the fact that the Association of State and Territorial
Health Officers (ASTHO) estimates that implementation of this legislation would
require at least 265 statutory or regulatory changes nationwide, and cost
approximately $420 million a year. In fact, among the laws and regulations
states would be required to change in order to comply with these new unfunded
federal mandates are laws and regulations they enacted to comply with conditions
of the federal Ryan White Care Act. At the same time, this legislation does
nothing to support community-based prevention efforts that have been proven to
be highly effective in changing risk behaviors and significantly reducing the
transmission of HIV.
I. National Partner Notification
The HIV Prevention Act would mandate that states report the identities of all
people testing positive for HIV, as well as the identities of their sexual and
needle sharing partners, to the federal government. These lists would be used
by the CDC to establish a national partner notification system, and a state's
list would be shared with other states so that individuals could be tracked down
and informed that they may have been exposed to HIV by a current or past
partner. Additionally, all states would be required to implement mandatory
names reporting systems for their own surveillance purposes, even those states
that have already implemented unique identifier systems or that measure the
number of cases of HIV infection by collecting anonymous demographic
information.
No other disease is required to be reported by federal mandate, and the CDC has
not requested that Congress create such an unprecedented mandate for HIV. For
all other diseases, appropriate surveillance has been accomplished by consensus
in the public health community. For example, all state public health
departments reached consensus on the voluntary reporting of AIDS cases to the
CDC. No federal mandate was needed.
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Mandatory names reporting is not the only or even the best way to do
surveillance to measure cases of HIV infection. Other methods, such as using
unique identifiers and sentinel studies, provide accurate information about the
incidence of HIV infection. State health departments design surveillance
programs appropriate to their populations, taking into account that surveillance
methods that discourage people from being tested in the first place are
counterproductive. States are free to implement mandatory names reporting if
they feel it is appropriate, and a number of states have done so. State
flexibility is key, however; even some states that have confidential name
reporting choose to keep anonymous test sites available as an option as well.
A federal mandate requiring states to report the identities of everyone testing
positive for HIV would eliminate anonymous testing options, including
newly-approved HIV home sample collection kits. States and local communities
have adopted a broad range of testing options to encourage people to come
forward to be tested without fear of loss of privacy. A 1996 study of 2000
individuals tested at anonymous test sites in California found that 80% said
they would not have consented to be tested if their names were to be
"confidentially" reported to the state health department. And when Oregon state
switched from "confidential" names reporting to anonymous testing, the number of
individuals seeking testing increased significantly. Studies have documented
higher rates of testing and higher rates of positive test results at anonymous
testing sites.
Creating a "national" partner notification program is also an unnecessary waste
of resources. Neither the CDC nor states have called for such as system.
States and localities are already required to have partner notification
programs as a condition of receiving funds from the Centers for Disease Control
for HIV prevention and Control. The Ryan White CARE Act Amendments of 1996 also
requires states to notify a spouse of a known HIV-infected patient that he or
she may have been exposed to the human immunodeficiency virus and should seek
testing.
Partner notification programs are only useful as part of an overall prevention
strategy geared to the specific demographics of the AIDS epidemic in a local
community. The federal mandates in this legislation would constrain local
public health officials from adopting programs most suited to their
jurisdictions. Because partner notification activities are labor intensive, they
are expensive and would be likely to divert resources from more effective means
of HIV infection control.
States must be given the flexibility to design and implement partner
notification programs that reflect the level of infection in given communities.
As the AMA has stated, "We recognize that no single type of contact tracing
program can be designed for every state and local health department...reliance
on the discretion of the public health officer provides necessary
flexibility.... Financial resources, community seroprevalence rates, awareness
levels in at-risk populations, differing transmission rates among infected
populations and how recently the partners of index patients were exposed to HIV
are all factors which must be considered by public health authorities in
designing their contact tracing programs".
Partner notification has proven to be ineffective in stemming recent surges in
diseases such as syphilis and gonorrhea. The Centers for Disease Control (CDC)
reported that since 1989 the rates of primary and secondary syphilis have
increased by at least 40 percent and up to 293 percent in urban areas across the
United States.
Mandatory partner notification programs are a poor use of resources. Most "at
risk" populations already know they are at risk; if not, targeted prevention
education to such populations is a far more effective use of resources than
partner notification. Identifying those with HIV and sharing this information
between states does nothing in terms of preventing transmission of HIV.
Moreover, a recent California study of HIV-infected drug users found that 63
percent of those interviewed said they, if asked, would not reveal the correct
names and addresses of their partners due to social stigma and rejection or for
other reasons. Thus, these programs are ineffective as a means of HIV prevention
because their success relies on the voluntary cooperation of the infected
person.
Mandatory partner notification programs may actually discourage women from
seeking testing, and have been shown to trigger incidents of domestic violence.
In a recent study of health care providers in Baltimore who work with women
infected with HIV, 24% of the providers had at least one female patient who
experienced physical violence following disclosure of her HIV status to a
partner.
II. HIV Testing of Sexual Offenders
The HIV Prevention Act requires that states test accused sexual offenders for
HIV within 48 hours of the filing of an information or indictment, whether the
victim requests it or not, and that the results be disclosed "as soon thereafter
as practicable" to "the victim; the defendant; the attorneys of the victim; the
prosecuting attorneys; the judge presiding at the trial, if any; and the
principal public health official for the local jurisdiction in which the crime
is alleged to have occurred" --seriously compromising the confidentiality of the
victim.
The federal Omnibus Crime Act of 1994 already provides for HIV testing of
accused sexual offenders at the request of the victim, and protects the victim
by limiting disclosure of the results to the victim and the person tested. In
addition, at least 44 states and the District of Columbia have laws explicitly
providing for HIV tests in sexual offense cases.
Testing of sexual offenders does not necessarily provide accurate information
regarding the HIV status of the victim, due to the window period in which a
person could be infected and not test positive for the disease. Even if the
defendant does test positive, the possibility exists that the virus was not
transmitted to the victim. Relying on the HIV-status of the offender could
result in a false sense of security for the victim or create unnecessary panic,
further victimizing the survivor.
Focusing on the perpetrator and further victimizing the survivor by discounting
her needs, not allowing her to decide whether or not testing of the offender
occurs, and revealing her exposure to HIV to anyone associated with the court
proceedings, is hardly good policy. Instead, the survivor of the crime should
be offered counseling, testing, and services to address her needs and above all,
protect her confidentiality. Rape crisis counselors believe that the best way to
help survivors of sexual assault is to provide necessary health care and
counseling services directly to them. Sexual assault survivors need support to
regain a sense of control over their lives. Concentrating on the HIV status of
their assailant undermines the ability of survivors to reclaim their sense of
control over their health and safety. They need proper counseling immediately by
trained professionals who can assess and convey the risks of transmission. Only
by being tested themselves over a period of time will they know their own
status.
The test of the defendant, when used in court, may cause problems for the
survivor. If the defendant tests positive, it could be presumed that the
survivor will be positive as well. The survivor may face the same discrimination
and problems that HIV infected persons face.
III. HIV Testing of Patients
The HIV Prevention Act allows medical professionals to refuse treatment to a
patient unless the patient is tested for HIV.
Adherence to universal precautions for infection control is the accepted public
health approach to protecting health care workers from accidental exposure to
HIV and other blood-borne infections, such as hepatitis B.
Testing does not establish the current HIV status of the patient because of the
window period between infection and development of antibodies. The best approach
to preventing HIV transmission from patient to health care worker or vice versa
is through adherence to universal precautions. The American Hospital Association
and the American Nurse's Association both oppose blanket screening because it
does not provide meaningful protection for health care workers.
States have rejected the idea of testing hospital patients because it is
ineffective and prohibitively expensive. Since the beginning of the epidemic,
CDC has documented 46 cases of occupational exposure to HIV. The American
Hospital Association estimates that testing hospital patients would cost $1.65
billion a year and would have no real impact on the spread of HIV.
Delaying a medical procedure while awaiting test results that may not even
provide accurate information on a patient's HIV status, could cost that
individual his or her life, while doing nothing to actually prevent the spread
of HIV.
IV. Sense of Congress Provisions
The HIV Prevention Act expresses the sense of the Congress that States should
criminalize irresponsible behaviors by those who are infected.
There is no question that deliberately attempting to infect another person with
HIV is a heinous criminal act. However, every state and the District of Columbia
addresses this concern by having laws that allow the criminal prosecution of
such an act. For example, there are some laws that address assault with a deadly
weapon or assault with intent to kill, which could be used to prosecute a person
who knowingly attempts to infect another with HIV. Since 1986, 24 states have
adopted criminal laws making it a felony, misdemeanor, or both to knowingly
expose or transmit HIV to another person.
Criminal laws against knowingly exposing or transmitting a disease to another
person are hardly new. Even before the HIV/AIDS epidemic, many states imposed
criminal or civil penalties on individuals who knowingly exposed another to a
sexually transmitted or communicable disease. While many legal experts consider
these laws sufficiently broad to cover cases involving HIV and AIDS, several
states have amended these laws to specifically include HIV/AIDS or have enacted
separate HIV/AIDS-specific laws.
The HIV Prevention Act expresses the sense of Congress that strict
confidentiality "should" be maintained in carrying out the provisions of this
Act.
A "Sense of Congress" provision is not legally binding, and does nothing to
deter or penalize breaches of confidentiality. People living with HIV/AIDS are
subject to discrimination in housing, health care, and employment. For people
living with HIV/AIDS, maintaining confidentiality is essential to preventing
discrimination. Studies have shown that the very fear of breach of
confidentiality may deter people from being tested for HIV, and that people who
suspect that they may be HIV-positive delay early detection and treatment to
avoid the potential negative consequences which flow from confidentiality
breaches. Strict legal protections accompanied by meaningful, enforceable
sanctions are the only way to protect against breaches of confidentiality.
V. Other Provisions
The HIV Prevention Act of 1997 includes a hodge-podge of other provisions
regarding funeral service practitioners, adoption agencies, and health insurers,
all of which are as burdensome and ill-conceived as the provisions highlighted
above. Enormous strides have been made in addressing the HIV epidemic on the
federal and state level. This Act is a collection of counter-productive
unfunded federal mandates that will only divert resources from real prevention
efforts and further stigmatize and frighten people living with and at risk for
HIV. For all these reasons, AIDS Action Council strongly opposes the Coburn HIV
Prevention Act of 1997.
For more information, contact:
AIDS Action Council
1875 Connecticut Avenue NW #700
Washington DC 20009
202-986-1300, extension 3053
202-986-1345 (fax)
202-332-9614 (tty)
E-Mail: aidsaction@aidsaction.org
This article is part of TheBody.com's archive. Because it contains information that may no longer be accurate, this article should only be considered a historical document.